1st Congress of Soviets of the USSR 1989 personalities. 1st Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR

3. The First Gorno-Altai Congress It took place, as planned, in Biysk from July 1 to July 6, 1917. Its main organizer was Grigory Ivanovich Choros-Gurkin, who had now finally emerged as the leader of the Altai national movement. Special Commissioner from

13 DAYS THAT SHOCKED THE EMPIRE

May 1989. Moscow, Kremlin, First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. TVs on for days. Live Stream. Almost the entire country of two hundred and fifty million, from the Baltics to Sakhalin, clung to the screens, catching incredible words, empathizing, rejoicing and indignant. During pauses between broadcasts, people called each other: “Did you hear? No, did you hear?!” Then they snatched up newspapers, argued furiously in families, in transport, at work, at rallies. Society woke up, tried its voice, tried to understand itself, to find a way forward. Almost all eyewitnesses of this epoch-making event, which took place 20 years ago, describe their impressions at that time with the word “shock.”

Now it is absolutely clear that it was these 13 days of the very first Congress of People’s Deputies that abruptly turned the history of the last great empire, called the USSR, and changed the destinies of millions of Soviet citizens. We've been arguing for 20 years now how could this happen.

What was it

By that time, “perestroika” had already been going on in the USSR for 4 years, started in April 1985 by the new, reformist leadership of the CPSU, headed by M.S. Gorbachev. The successes were mainly foreign policy. Inside the country, things were getting worse for the communist reformers: stagnation in the economy, a hole in the budget, empty store shelves, queues and coupons. The fall in world oil prices to 10-12 dollars per barrel has brought people to the brink of starvation. Remember the supermarkets where the seller throws packages of faded sausages onto an empty counter, and a tired and angry crowd snatches them up, pushing and swearing? Remember the search for washing powder and toilet paper? Against such a background, calling for a “renewal of socialism” was already unthinkable.

Contrary to their long-standing “principles,” the communist “perestroika” leaders had to decide on deep and risky transformations in the economy, introduce private property and the market, and give scope to entrepreneurship. And at the same time maintain control over state power and over the monopoly ruling party. The task is almost impossible. It was then that the Congress was invented. However, there was no need to completely reinvent it. Apparently, some smart person suggested reviving the practice... Zemsky Sobors. Yes, yes, our Congress of People's Deputies was nothing more than a “class-representative” institution known from history, tailored in a new way. Zemsky sobors, which operated in Russia in the 16th and 17th centuries, included delegates from all lands and classes - the clan aristocracy, boyars, service nobility, church hierarchs, peasants and townspeople. Our Congress was formed according to the same principle of a political ark. Among the 2,250 deputies were senior party and government officials, military personnel, priests, scientists, writers, actors and directors, workers and collective farmers. 750 people were elected from territorial and national-territorial districts, another 750 from public organizations, which included the only Communist Party at that time. Of course, the Congress could not be any kind of parliament. But the Zemsky Sobor turned out quite well from it.

Who were they

The composition of people's deputies of the first conscription approximately, although complementarily, reflected the appearance of the then Soviet society. A quarter are from industry, 20% from Agriculture, quite a lot (up to 28%) of scientific and creative intelligentsia (there are 140 members of various academies alone). Workers high school, doctors and teachers, journalists and seven priests (including the future Patriarch Alexy) had to balance the presence of 237 party workers and 80 military personnel who remained in service.

Despite all the costs of the elections of that time, among the people's deputies of the USSR there was a real elite Soviet society. Academician D. Likhachev convincingly advocated for the preservation of spirituality and culture, the “soil” writers V. Belov and V. Rasputin continued the Slavophile tradition in a centuries-old dispute with Westerners E. Yevtushenko and Yu. Karyakin. The third dimension in this dialogue was represented by the Kazakh O. Suleimenov and the Kyrgyz Ch. Aitmatov. Leningrad delegated a whole creative constellation to the Kremlin in the person of D. Granin, K. Lavrov, O. Basilashvili. For the first time, two future governors of the northern capital, A. Sobchak and V. Matvienko, showed themselves to the country. Projects for restructuring the socialist economy were put forward and discussed by leading scientists - academicians L. Abalkin, O. Bogomolov, G. Arbatov, V. Tikhonov, A. Emelyanov, Yu. Ryzhov, A. Yablokov. The most popular economists and publicists P. Bunich, N. Shmelev and G. Popov (later the first mayor of Moscow) spoke about ways to combat the acute economic crisis.

A unique symbol of the First Congress was the great humanist Academician A. Sakharov, who selflessly and passionately stood up for human rights and dignity. Next to the rebellious B. Yeltsin, who left the Communist Party and headed the opposition, later famous politicians appeared - G. Starovoitova, G. Burbulis and dozens of other democrats, and in the fight against them the frantic “hawk” V. Alksnis appeared.

Among the deputies in uniform, Marshal S. Akhromeev and General B. Gromov (now the governor of the Moscow region) enjoyed the greatest authority. Brilliant lawyers played a huge role in lawmaking: S. Alekseev, A. M. Yakovlev, V. Yakovlev (the first head of the Supreme Arbitration Court), Yu. Kalmykov. From the top party apparatus, the parliamentary corps included irreconcilable opponents - “liberal” A.N. Yakovlev and “conservative” E. Ligachev, future leaders of neighboring states E. Shevardnadze, N. Nazarbayev, A. Akayev, I. Karimov.

All speakers of subsequent “councils”, “dumas” and meetings should consider A. Lukyanov, who gave unforgettable and virtuoso examples of speaker art, as their teacher in the difficult task of managing the parliamentary element.

Never again in the history of Soviet and Russian parliamentarism in the composition of the deputy corps was there such a concentration of minds, talents, professional competence, temperaments and bright personalities as at that first congress-cathedral. That’s why it’s a pity that such brilliant potential was used so briefly.

What could they

Formally, Gorbachev and his circle took a huge personal risk by creating a constitutional center of power that they could not control administratively. According to the constitution, the Congress was the highest body of state power, competent to consider any issue falling within the jurisdiction of the USSR, including making immediate changes to the constitution itself. This was already a “bomb”, controlled by a political coup. But at first, control remained reliable. The party apparatus, which had decisive influence in remote and rural areas, as well as in many public organizations, could rely entirely or mainly on the loyalty of approximately two thirds Congress. Only about a third of the deputies, mainly from Moscow and Leningrad, were independent and critical.

The congress allowed the communist “perestroika” to solve several problems: to show the country and the world a new attractive political regime, while de facto remaining at the helm; share “with the whole earth” responsibility for the reforms being carried out; create a channel to release steam from public discontent; obtain for yourself a new non-partisan source of legitimacy - from the people's representatives; at the same time to restrain conservatives in the Communist Party itself by the threat of their “separation from the state” and failure in the elections.

Looking back, one should recognize the plan with the Congress as quite correct and initially successful.

What were they trying to achieve?

No one expected an immediate explosion of lawmaking from the First Congress. His main achievement lies elsewhere. Congress woke me up country. By then most Soviet people they lived as if with a split consciousness: in reality they saw their own poverty, wretchedness of life, limited life prospects, bureaucratic omnipotence, but in the media and public life completely different pictures were painted. There were official praises addressed to the only and wisest party, discussions about the advantages of socialism and dull propaganda cliches.

Forced participation in the ritual “approval” with a general feeling of impasse gave rise to hidden mass discontent among the people, which was prevented from manifesting only by the absence of an organizing center and clear leadership. The First Congress showed the leaders and gave the decisive signal “It’s time!” The accumulated public discontent erupted and immediately became a political force. Under the direct influence of the First and subsequent Congresses, discontent turned into revolution.

Freshly elected Muscovite people's deputies formed the “Moscow group” back in April 1989 and prepared for a fight at the Congress. The task was to remove the head of state from party control (M. Gorbachev was seen in this capacity), to consolidate the principles of democracy and the course towards a market economy.

It is curious that the first meeting of future oppositionists took place ... at the Eye Microsurgery Center, chaired by its director Svyatoslav Fedorov. It was there that the tactics were chosen: to propose brief fundamental acts to the Congress, after their rejection - to appeal to the people for direct support and to seek the recall of opponents of change from the deputy corps. Academician Sakharov proposed a simpler tactic: “It is unknown how long this whole thaw will last. You need to go to the microphone under any pretext and tell the truth. If we can do this for at least a few days, we will have a different country...” It must be said that this approach turned out to be the most effective.

Political struggle

The congress became the arena of a real and dramatic political struggle, which took place in front of the entire people and with the direct participation of the people. Every day thousands of calls and telegrams were sent to the Congress and individual deputies, which were regularly read out from the podium, and rallies raged on the streets in the evenings and nights. In Moscow, the centers of the rally controversy were Pushkinskaya Square, the Cinema House and Luzhniki. Among the street tribunes, future famous politicians stood out - V. Novodvorskaya, V. Zhirinovsky, V. Igrunov, A. Isaev.

The Democrats, who numbered about 300 during the voting, failed to approve their agenda and pass the political decisions they had planned through the Congress. After almost all of them were “taken for a ride” during the elections of the Supreme Council, the famous historian Yu. Afanasyev challenged the “aggressively obedient majority” (this phrase immediately became a catchphrase), and the economist G. Popov announced the creation of an opposition faction (later it became known as the Interregional Deputy Group).

Nevertheless, A. Sakharov managed to read out the draft “Decree on Power”, amid the shouts and clapping of the audience, which proposed to abolish Article 6 of the Constitution (which declared the Communist Party to be a “leading and directing force”), to officially transfer power in the country to the Soviets, to do everything elections are competitive, all key officials are elected at the Congress and accountable to it. The goal was to transition to a professional army and a new federation while maintaining the previous borders. Sakharov made a direct appeal to citizens to support the “decree.”

At the Congress, parliamentary commissions were created, thanks to which a fair assessment was later given of the use of the army to disperse the rally in Tbilisi on April 9, 1989 (A. Sobchak commission) and historical document, known as the “Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact”, which resulted in the annexation of the Baltic republics to the USSR (A. Yakovlev commission).

Fatal contradictions

At the Congress, for the first time, the main contradictions that were inexorably splitting the country were revealed.

The inevitable topic has literally become fatal sovereignty of republics and territories. The tone was set by deputies from the Baltic states, who had already included articles on sovereignty in their constitutions, and now wanted to transform the Union into a contractual federation: “We proceed from the fact that the union republics are primary, and the federation is derivative. Only republics can transfer or return certain powers to the Union, and not vice versa. For the republics created the Union." This was followed by the requirement that all property on their territories, including mineral resources, be secured in the ownership of the republics, and that the laws of the Union be put into effect only through their ratification in the parliaments of the republics.

It was clear to everyone that the crafty “sovereignty” was only a step towards complete independence. And then demands arose for the sovereignty of the autonomies and for the redistribution of borders, behind which conflicts broke out in Nagorno-Karabakh, in Abkhazia, in the Fergana Valley... great empire was bursting at the seams.

No less acute was the contradiction between state and market economy . The latter was just being born in real torment and was getting tangled in ideological swaddling clothes. N. Ryzhkov, who was elected head of government, for the first time revealed to the Congress and the country the stunning facts of economic collapse: a budget deficit of more than 100 billion, an exorbitant external debt, a lack of inventory and money for imports. According to Ryzhkov, “negative trends” in the economy grew over the course of three five-year plans, while official statistics and propaganda deliberately lied, hiding the terrible truth. Recognizing the need to develop “cooperation and leasing,” the Soviet prime minister immediately created an ideological dead end, asserting that cooperation “does not accept such elements as greed, profiteering, personal enrichment, and self-interest.” So what kind of entrepreneurship could there be after this?

As an alternative, G. Popov proposed leaving no more than 50% of the economy in the public sector, and transferring the rest to cooperative and private ownership. In turn, it was proposed to “decentralize” state property by creating corporations and concerns instead of bureaucratic departments. N. Shmelev warned: “If we do not stop the snowballing inflation, the collapse of the consumer market, the monstrous, world-record (in relation to GNP) budget deficit, we may face an economic collapse within two or three years.” Alas, the Communist Party did not heed the calls, and the gloomy forecast came true.

Historical meaning

Thanks to the First Congress, the political struggle in the USSR became massive, legal and public, accelerating the processes of change and carrying with it inevitable costs. Problems were acutely posed and hotly discussed, but in reality most often they were not solved, because the system of power and management changed too slowly, and society changed too quickly. The most important laws on the press, on rallies, on freedom of conscience, on leaving the country, on rent, adopted by subsequent Congresses and the Supreme Council, largely lagged behind the requirements of the time.

The most important achievement of the Congress can be called an honest dialogue between the authorities and society, thanks to which a real and active civil society. On May 25, 1989, the USSR was one country, and two weeks later it was completely different, and this change was irreversible.

The initiator of perestroika, the first and last president of the USSR, M. Gorbachev, turned out to be a tragic figure. For too long he tried to combine two roles: leader of change and leader of the Communist Party. The roles were in conflict, and the choice was late. As a result, both positions were lost. As a leader of change, the moderate M. Gorbachev was supplanted by the radical B. Yeltsin. And a group of conservatives from among his closest comrades in the Communist Party removed Gorbachev, staged a helpless putsch and brought down the shaky empire. Whether it could have been otherwise is a separate topic for lovers of historical alternatives.

One thing is clear: the era of great changes - necessary and unnecessary, overdue and excessive, breakthrough, painful, tragic and fateful began 20 years ago precisely with the First Congress, which awakened the country, but failed to determine its path to a better future. The right road seemed to be visible, but we again took a different route...

Sergei Stankevich

This is the text of an article prepared for publication in the media

In order to preserve the political foundations of the state, it was decided to change the structure of power and return it to “Leninist ideals.” In June-July 1988, a decision was made to create a two-tier system of power:

1) Congress of People's Deputies of 2250 people;

2) elected by the Congress and renewed every year by 1/5 of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (554 people). (

1st People's Congress dep. USSR– May-June 1989 (Elected President of the USSR Supreme Council – M.S. Gorbachev; President of the Council of Min. – N.I. Ryzhkov; for the first time, the official opposition of “interregionalists” arose, for the first time daily broadcast of all meetings).

2 People's Congress dep. USSR– November 1989 (political propaganda decisions: there was an open skirmish between Ak. Sakharov and M.S. Gorbachev, the 1939 pact with Germany was condemned, the XIII Five-Year Plan plan was discussed but never adopted, the entry of troops into Afghanistan was condemned) .

3rd Extraordinary Congress of the People. dep. USSR– March 1990 (abandoned Article 6 of the Constitution, elected M.S. Gobachev as the first President of the USSR, refused to recognize Lithuania’s secession from the USSR).

4 People's Congress dep. USSR– December 1990. At the congress, the question of M.S. Gorbachev’s resignation was raised for the first time. It is noteworthy that this question was formulated by a representative of the CPSU. However, soon the Supreme Council granted M.S. Gorbachev emergency powers.

The last Congress of the CPSU - XXVIII, July 1990. At the congress, Yeltsin, Popov, and Sobchak left the party. By the end of 1990, the CPSU had shrunk by a third. The number of party members dropped to 15 million. M.S. Gorbachev proposed creating a Union of Northern States.

Parade of sovereignties.

The process of collapse of the USSR began with the beginning of the process of collapse of the CPSU. In 1989, the Lithuanian Communist Party left the CPSU. During these same years, from May 1988 to January 1991, declarations of independence or sovereignty were adopted in all union and autonomous republics. But the Baltics went further. On March 11, 1990, Lithuania adopted the Act on the Restoration of State Independence. Soon, on June 12, 1990, at the First Congress of the People. dep. The RSFSR adopted the Declaration of State Sovereignty of the RSFSR. Bilateral treaties were concluded with the Baltic republics. Soon, four days later, the same Declaration was adopted by Ukraine. In October 1990, Yeltsin announced the non-subordination of the RSFSR to the allied authorities and the beginning of his own course of reforms. This decision was enshrined in law.

Soon, similar Declarations were adopted in the autonomous republics of the RSFSR (Yakutia, TASSR, Chechnya, Bashkiria).

Novo-Ogarevsky process.

On June 24, a draft of a new union treaty was published. However, the Baltic republics refused to discuss it. The western regions of Ukraine and Moldova expressed a negative attitude towards the agreement. Similar sentiments reign in Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Armenia.

On March 17, at a referendum on the existence of the USSR, support was expressed for the union state (76%). On April 24, a preliminary agreement “9+1” was signed in Novo-Ogaryovo. The signing of the new union treaty was scheduled for August 21. The new state was to become a confederation. Gorbachev was to become the new President, Nazarbayev was to become Prime Minister.

On the eve of the signing of the agreement, M.S. Gorbachev went on state vacation. Foros dacha in Crimea.

Collapse of the USSR.

State Emergency Committee.

On August 19, 1991, at 6 o’clock in the morning, the creation of the State Emergency Committee was announced. Vice-President of the USSR G.I. Yanaev announced the temporary assumption of the functions of head of state. This was explained by the illness of M.S. Gorbachev.

The Commission included Prime Minister V.S. Pavlov, min. Defense Marshal of the USSR D.T. Yazov, Chairman KGB V.A. Kryuchkov, min. ext. cases B.K. Pugo and others. The circumstances of the creation of the State Emergency Committee are poorly understood. Probably, all parties to this process were interested in this, both those who joined the Commission and those who were temporarily removed from power. The actions of the Commission were in accordance with the plan approved by M.S. Gorbachev back in the spring of 1991. At a meeting in Foros between the members of the Commission and the President of the USSR, Gorbachev did not oppose the measures of the State Emergency Committee, did not remove them from power and even shook their hands.

The members of the Commission motivated their actions by the inconsistency of the future treaty with the norms of the USSR Constitution, the danger of disrupting the events planned for August 21 (Ukraine, for example, hesitated), and the desire to prevent the collapse of the USSR. However, the Commission's actions were poorly coordinated. Troops were brought into Moscow, but they were not given clear orders, the reason for their presence was not explained, and they were not given ammunition. At the same time, the Armed Forces of the RSFSR began to reassign the army, but no one opposed this. Higher command staff and the commanders of military units began to change their oath, recognizing B.N. Yeltsin as commander in chief. The supplies and activities of the government of the RSFSR continued. The commission mobilized the army, but did not dare to introduce into Moscow units loyal to the oath and formations based on military schools that supported the State Emergency Committee. Mass rallies began in Moscow and Leningrad. Barricades were spontaneously built. Free food, alcohol, and water were brought into improvised gathering places for opposition youth and townspeople.

On August 20, B.N. Yeltsin issued a Decree banning the activities of the CPSU. The Plenum scheduled for August 20-21 never took place.

By August 21, the opposition took the initiative into their own hands. On the night of 21–22, the President of the USSR returned to Moscow. On August 23, at a meeting of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, M.S. Gorbachev confirmed the legality of all the Decrees of B.N. Yeltsin.

By August 26, all members of the State Emergency Committee were arrested and the party buildings were taken away. Mirshal Akhromeev, manager. Affairs of the Central Committee of the CPSU Kruchin, min. ext. Del Pugo committed suicide. Yazov refused pardon and sought a trial. The court recognized the actions of the members of the State Emergency Committee as legal, and justified the actions of the members of the State Emergency Committee.

On September 2, M.S. Gorbachev announced the preparation of a new union treaty designed to create a Union of Sovereign States on a confederal basis. On these same days, the last Congress of the People took place. deputies of the USSR. A program for a new state system for the transition period was adopted and the State Council was created.

The first decision of the State. The Council recognized the independence of the Baltic republics. In August-September, Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Armenia and Turkmenistan declared independence. And on November 25, members of the State Council refused to sign the agreement written with their participation.

On December 1, Ukraine declared its complete independence, and 2 days later it was recognized by the RSFSR as an independent state. And already on December 8, in conditions of secrecy at the Belovezhskaya Pushcha dacha, the collapse of the USSR was recognized and an agreement on the creation of the CIS was signed. Within a few days, despite the statement of M.S. Gorbachev, the decisions of the Belovezhskaya Agreement were ratified by the Supreme Council of the republics. For some time Nazarbayev spoke out against the collapse of the USSR. On December 25, M.S. Gorbachev announced his resignation as President of the USSR. B.N. Yeltsin terminated the powers of deputies of the USSR Supreme Council, and the Russian flag was raised over the Kremlin.

The collapse of the Soviet system occurred later, in 1993, during the confrontation between the President of Russia and the Armed Forces of the RSFSR. The court found B.N. Yeltsin's actions illegal. However, the President won the political confrontation. The new constitution of the RSFSR created new authorities, completely eliminating the Soviet form of democracy.

Foreign policy of the USSR in the mid-60s - early 90s of the XX century.

Social countries Commonwealth.

After the dismissal of N.S. Khrushchov, the new government began a course to eliminate the problems that arose during the previous period of government. It was necessary to normalize relations with Romania and China, restore relations with the United States and with the countries of the “third world”. It was necessary to cope with the threat of the collapse of the socialist camp.

The most important events of this period were

1) entry of ATS troops into Czechoslavakia (1968);

2) military clash with China on the island. Damansky (1969);

3) participation in military conflicts in Vietnam (60s), India, the Middle East, Lebanon and Syria (70s), Egypt (1948-1949, 60s);

4) participation in the Helsinki Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (1973-1975);

5) expansion of the CMEA at the expense of Vietnam and Cuba, agreements were concluded with Yugoslavia, Finland, Iran, Mexico, Nicaragua

6) signing of the ABM treaties, SALT 1 and SALT 2 (1972) with the United States;

7) participation in Polish politics. the crisis of the first half of the 80s (general V. Jaruzelski);

The Congress opened on May 25, 1989. On the very first day of the Congress, it elected Gorbachev Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. The meetings of the congress were broadcast on television in live, and many citizens of the USSR followed them closely.

For the first time, television viewers were able to see speeches by Academician A.D. Sakharov, in which he criticized political system THE USSR :

The congress was marked by confrontation, expressed in active polemics between the current General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Mikhail Gorbachev and dissident academician Andrei Sakharov, member of the CPSU Central Committee Yegor Ligachev with the disgraced at that time, future first president of Russia Boris Yeltsin.

Among the deputies there were many bright personalities who, thanks to the congress, became known throughout the country, some of them from teachers, employees and researchers retrained as public politicians, in subsequent years they were elected to leading positions in the country, and led opposition movements. Among them are Gavriil Popov (later became mayor of Moscow), Sazhi Umalatova (later became a radical communist politician), Anatoly Sobchak (elected mayor of St. Petersburg), Yuri Afanasyev (led the Democratic Russia movement, then rector of the Russian State University for the Humanities), Alexey Kazannik (became Prosecutor General of Russia)

At the congress, an alternative candidate for the post of Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR was nominated for the first time. In addition to M. S. Gorbachev, deputy, member of the MDG Alexander Obolensky ran for this post

On the last day of the Congress, in a relative minority, radical deputies formed the Interregional Group of People's Deputies (group co-chairs: A. D. Sakharov, B. N. Yeltsin, Yu. N. Afanasyev, G. Kh. Popov, V. Palm). They advocated for political and economic transformations in the USSR, for radical reform of Soviet society.

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NEW POLITICAL CONFIGURATION

Under the conditions of “perestroika” (the reform program carried out by the leader of the USSR Mikhail Gorbachev since 1985), a partial modernization of the structure was carried out government agencies The USSR, which, according to the initiators, was supposed to strengthen the union state and prevent its collapse. Changes made to the constitution in November 1988 declared the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR to be the highest body of state power. He could consider and resolve any issue within the jurisdiction of the Union. The exclusive competence of the Congress included the adoption of the constitution and amendments (by a two-thirds majority), regulation of the state structure and relations between the republics, determination of the main directions of domestic and foreign policy, approval of state plans and programs, election of the Supreme Council and its chairman, approval of the chairmen of the Council ministers, the Supreme Court, the Prosecutor General, making decisions on holding a referendum, etc. The Congress could approve or repeal the laws of the Supreme Council and government decisions.

The congress consisted of 2,250 deputies elected by universal suffrage for a 5-year term. Of these, 750 were elected from territorial districts with equal population, 750 from national-territorial districts (32 from each union republic, 11 from each autonomous republic, 5 from each autonomous region and 1 from each autonomous okrug) and 750 - from all-Union public organizations (100 each from the Communist Party, trade unions and cooperative organizations, 75 each from the Communist Youth League, women's councils, veterans, scientific, etc. organizations, creative unions, etc.). Regular meetings of the Congress were convened once a year.

The Congress of People's Deputies elected a permanent legislative, administrative and control body - the Supreme Council (analogous to parliament). He determined the structure of the government, appointed its head and, on his behalf, ministers, made appointments to senior military and judicial posts, established the foundations of union legislation and carried out economic regulation, ratified international treaties and agreements, etc. The Supreme Council consisted of two equal chambers - the Council of the Union and the Council of Nationalities, both of which were elected at the Congress of People's Deputies by secret ballot of all deputies. Since 1989, each chamber has had 271 members. The Council of the Union was elected from among the deputies elected from territorial districts and public organizations, and the Council of Nationalities was elected from deputies elected from national-territorial districts and public organizations (according to the norm: 11 each from the union, 4 each from the autonomous republic, 2 each – from the autonomous region, 1 – from the autonomous okrug). The Congress annually renewed one-fifth of the members of both houses. Disagreements between the chambers were submitted to a conciliation commission, and if no agreement was reached, to the Congress of People's Deputies.

The functions of the head of state essentially transferred to the chairman of the Supreme Council as the highest official of the state. He represented the USSR at home and abroad, supervised the preparation of legislative acts and signed acts of the Congress and the Supreme Council, presented reports on the situation in the country and the world and on candidates for senior positions. Mikhail Gorbachev was elected Chairman of the Supreme Council in 1989.

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OPENING OF THE CONGRESS

The chairman is the Chairman of the Central Election Commission for the Election of People's Deputies of the USSR V.P. Orlov.

Chairman.

Dear comrades people's deputies of the USSR! It was a great honor for me. In accordance with the Constitution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, I, as Chairman of the Central Election Commission, will have to open the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR.

The elections and preparations for them took place in conditions of widespread, unprecedented publicity and openness, and a rapid growth in the political activity of the working people. This was especially convincingly confirmed on Sunday, March 26, when more than 172 million Soviet people - almost 90 percent of all voters included in the lists - went to the polls to express all shades of public opinion to support perestroika.

The elections confirmed that the people see in Lenin’s party a force capable of uniting Soviet society, ensuring its consolidation, and finding effective ways to solve pressing problems and overcome difficulties. We have never had a more powerful, nationwide referendum in favor of the Communist Party and its course for renewal.

Today, 2,155 people's deputies of the USSR out of 2,249 elected are present at the Congress. Detailed data on the election results and the composition of deputies will be reported by the Credentials Commission, which will be elected by the Congress and to which the Central Election Commission will transfer all the documentation necessary to verify the powers of the deputies.

It should be said that in this hall today there are workers, collective farmers, production commanders, scientists, cultural figures, military personnel - people of different professions, different generations, representatives of the people with great political and intellectual potential.

The composition of the deputies reflects the multinational character of our country. Among them are representatives of 65 nations and nationalities.

INTERREGIONAL DEPUTY GROUP

The core of the future Interregional Group actually took shape already in the first days of the First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR around the democratic part of the Moscow delegation, thanks to which these deputies immediately received the name “Moscow group”, although it included Leningraders and representatives of many other regions of the Union. The most notable speeches of the “Moscow group” at the Congress were those of academician Andrei Sakharov, historian Yuri Afanasyev, Moscow economist Gavriil Popov, Leningrad economist Anatoly Sobchak and former world champion weightlifter Yuri Vlasov.

The Interregional Group took shape at its first meeting on June 7, 1989 in the conference hall of the Moscow Hotel; on July 29-30, the 1st general conference of the Interregional Group was held, at which it was determined how many people's deputies and who exactly were included in the MDG. The "Theses for the program" were accepted practical activities to deepen and implement perestroika" and elected a Coordination Council of 25 people and 5 co-chairs. The conference was attended by 316 deputies, of whom 268 were identified as members of the MDG. Taking into account those who had previously signed up for the group, but were unable to come to the conference, the number The interregional deputy group as of July 30, 1989 consisted of 388 people.

Academician Andrei Sakharov, Boris Yeltsin, Yuri Afanasyev, Gavriil Popov, Anatoly Sobchak (Leningrad), Nikolai Travkin, Arkady Murashev, Yuri Chernichenko, Alexander Obolensky (Apatity), Gennady Burbulis (Sverdlovsk), Yuri Karyakin, Milen Martirosyan were elected to the MDG CC (Ukraine), Sergey Stankevich, Evdokia Gaer (Vladivostok), Vladimir Volkov (Sverdlovsk), academician VASKhNIL Vladimir Tikhonov, Victor Palm (Estonia), Valentin Logunov, Alla Yaroshinskaya-Zgerskaya (Ukraine), Mikhail Bocharov, Telman Gdlyan, Victor Goncharov ( Ukraine), Mikhail Poltoranin, Alexey Emelyanov, corresponding member. USSR Academy of Sciences Alexey Yablokov. The co-chairs of the Constitutional Court were B. Yeltsin, Yu. Afanasyev, G. Popov, V. Palm and A. Sakharov, and the secretary was Arkady Murashev.

Among the deputies - members of the MDG there were several people directly associated with the informal movement: leader of the Popular Front of Karelia Sergei Belozertsev, member of the Coordination Council of the Moscow Popular Front Sergei Stankevich, representative of the Yaroslavl Popular Front Igor Shamshev, one of the founders of the Apatity Voluntary Society for Assistance to Perestroika (DOSP) Alexander Obolensky. However, the majority of MDG members belonged to the ranks of the Soviet intelligentsia and held far from radical views. Only 49% of participants in the 1st MDG conference clearly spoke in favor of a multi-party system, another 40% were in favor of a discussion on the introduction of a multi-party system (5% were in favor of maintaining a one-party system). To a large number of deputies from the MDG, the views of Academician A.D. Sakharov seemed overly radical, and it was Sakharov who received the smallest number of votes among the 5 co-chairs (69; Yeltsin - 144).

At the 2nd MDG conference, which took place in the Moscow House of Cinema on September 23-24, 1989, the MDG Platform was adopted. The platform included the demand for the abolition of Article 6 of the USSR Constitution on the “leading role of the CPSU”, democratization of the electoral system, a democratic Law on the Press, laws on land and property, and a new Union Treaty. A significant part of the demands of the MDG was actually adopted during 1989-90, including the abolition of Article 6 - despite the fact that, in proportion, the MDG never accounted for more than 12% of the total number of people's deputies of the USSR.

The interregional deputy group had a strong influence on the formation of the general program of the democratic movement in Russia, including the process of eliminating the ideology of “true socialism” that prevailed in the movement of 1987-88. To a large extent, on the basis of the MDG platform, the program documents of the PEOPLE'S FRONT OF THE RSFSR (confederation of democratic movements of Russia) and the Interregional Association of Democratic Organizations (MADO - coalition of democratic movements of the USSR), proclaimed in October 1989, as well as the electoral bloc "DEMOCRATIC RUSSIA" in January 1990

During the work of the Second Congress of People's Deputies, the Interregional Deputy Group experienced a serious crisis. A. Sakharov and Y. Afanasyev called on the MDG to openly declare itself a parliamentary opposition that does not take responsibility for the actions of the CPSU government. S. Stankevich and A. Sobchak opposed this point of view. The death of Academician Sakharov suspended the sharp polemics within the MDG. After the funeral of A. Sakharov, a compromise solution was found: some of the MDG members signed a collective statement that they consider themselves “opposition”, some did not sign, but both of them retained their organizational unity within the group. About 200 members of the MDG joined the “opposition”.

V. Pribylovsky. Interregional Deputy Group (MDG)

“AGGRESSIVE-OBEDIENT MAJORITY”

Chairman. Comrades! We have a backlog of urgent requests from deputies here. Deputy Afanasiev asks to allow him to speak during the Congress. Please.

Afanasyev Yu. N., rector of the Moscow State Historical and Archival Institute (Noginsk territorial constituency, Moscow region). Dear comrade deputies! We are all called upon to critically evaluate the situation in the country. I think we must and must also critically evaluate our own activities at the Congress. And in this sense, for a number of reasons, which I came out to talk about, yesterday’s work at your Congress made a depressing impression on me.

Firstly, around midnight we did not hear the voice of the Karabakh delegation, or, more precisely, we did not react to it in any way. And in the end he was left without any reaction from us. A little earlier, we all together essentially left the Lithuanian delegation in a state of political isolation, which came up with a proposal formulated, as it seems to me, in a completely unsuccessful way, but nevertheless with a proposal that has a basis. And we set into motion the familiar machine. Several moralizing and stigmatizing speeches, including speeches by Zalygin and Medvedev, whom I respect, which were followed by a stultifying vote by the majority. (Applause).

Even earlier, we were in a hurry to form the composition of the Supreme Council. In a hurry in which we didn't hear whole line sensible proposals, from my point of view. In particular, the proposal of Rodion Shchedrin. And as a result, Rodion Shchedrin’s voice disappeared, and along with it, the deputy Travkin, whom we were talking about, sank into oblivion. Further, I was present, like many here, at a meeting of the Russian delegation that essentially did not lead to any normal conclusions, which was held in a hurry and which was unable to properly discuss very many issues. Comrades, I think everyone is free to express their opinion here, including me, and that’s why I’m speaking.

I once again carefully looked at the composition of our Supreme Council. I have to say this because I think it and I am convinced of it: if we bear in mind the level of qualifications of the deputies against the background of the tasks that this Supreme Council has to solve, if we bear in mind the level of their professionalism that is required in these difficult for our country conditions, then we formed the Stalin-Brezhnev Supreme Council... (Noise in the hall, applause). Now about the majority that has formed...

Chairman. Yuri Nikolaevich, three minutes have expired.

Afanasyev Yu. N. I’m already finishing. This is also the depressing thing I wanted to say. And I am appealing specifically to you, to this, I would say, aggressively obedient majority, which yesterday defeated all those decisions of the Congress that the people expect from us... (Noise in the hall).

Chairman. Quiet, comrades. I think we are having a serious conversation.

Afanasyev Yu. N. I’m finishing. But I just ask you not to clap or shout, because that’s exactly what I came here to say. So, dear aggressively obedient majority, and you, Mikhail Sergeevich, either carefully listen to this majority, or skillfully influence it. We can continue to work like this. We can be obedient, not line up, and carefully hand in notes. We can be gracious, as Father Pitirim called us to do. But let us not for a minute forget about those who sent us to this Congress. They sent us here not so that we would behave kindly, but so that we would decisively change the state of affairs in the country. (Applause).

Reader on the history of Russia. From the USSR to the Russian Federation. 1985-2001

Russia - 2000. Modern political history (1985-1999), vol. 1, Chronicle and analytics.